The latter problem areas include reactive

governance with a short term vision, inappropriate allocation of use rights (licenses and fishing permits), excessive fishing capacity, limitations in monitoring, control and surveillance, and weaknesses in the organization and social cohesion of the local fishers’ organizations NADPH-oxidase inhibitor [31] and [14]. The zoning system has been considered in Galapagos as synonymous with no-take zones. This represents a serious misconception about EBSM, also present in other parts of the world [36]. It is necessary to highlight that no-take zones represent only one type of MPA, and only one of many management tools available for the successful implementation of EBSM in the marine environment, such as territorial user rights for fisheries (TURFs), seasonal closures, spatial gear restrictions, etc. [6]. Thus no-take zones need to be evaluated and compared to viable alternative management tools, and used, where appropriate, as one element in a broader package of measures [37]. The “innovative” incentive-pressure strategy described and used by Heylings et al. [15] to encourage consensus on zoning, contributed in reality to the generation of perverse incentives

and to the loss of credibility and legitimacy for zoning, especially among grassroots PFT�� in vitro fishers. As described in Section 2.2, this strategy produced a final zoning consensus when the PMB declared that all management measures required to regulate the GMR’s fisheries during 2000 would be implemented only if there was a zoning consensus (the ‘pressure’ component of the strategy). Furthermore, the PMB agreed to develop an “action plan” to provide alternative livelihoods to the fishing sector in order to “compensate” them for the short-term impacts of the zoning (the ‘incentive’ component). The fishing sector’s representatives signed the agreement for implementation of zoning expecting that PLEKHM2 the Ecuadorian

Government (represented by the GNP) and NGOs would produce alternative livelihoods for the entire fishing sector, which in 2000 included a total of 1229 fishers as registered by GNP [14]. The zoning agreement could be considered a win–win situation for fishers for two reasons: (1) most no-take zones were declared outside the main sea cucumber fishing grounds [22], the most valuable and abundant fishery resource of the GMR at that time, so it is quite probable that the short-term economic impact of the zoning on the fishing sector was low, particularly given that enforcement was weak [24]; and (2) the GNP and NGOs agreed to make a “compensation payment” to fishers, in the form of new “alternatives”, for 18% of “their” fishing grounds becoming no-take zones.